Introduction
Every economy has an agricultural sector.
Today’s agricultural landscape has evolved significantly from the traditional farming methods dating back millennia. Advances in scientific foundations and technological progress have led to higher agricultural yields achieved by using better agricultural inputs such as improved crop breeds, fertilizers and pesticides. They have also lessened the need for the hard manual labor traditionally associated with farming by employing machines powered first by steam and then combustion engines.
The current agricultural value chain is increasingly complex in terms of vertically and horizontally differentiated value segments, economic agents and intermediate and final products. It includes more than 200 industry subsectors and ranges from agricultural inputs such as fertilizer, seeds, farm land, irrigation and labor, to processing, manufacturing and packaging, all the way up to the final point sale of products and services to consumers. Innovation arises at many points along the agricultural value chain often drawing on technological advances in other sectors of the economy such as molecular biology, computing, satellite imaging or materials science.
Figure 3.1 illustrates an agricultural value chain, using the Brazilian sugarcane as an example. It shows how each segment of the value chain may consist of different economic agents with the potential to innovate and transform the sector. The end use for sugarcane products has diversified over time. Traditionally, sugarcane was used primarily for the food and beverage industry while its waste was used for animal feed and fertilizer. Today, sugarcane can end up as a source of renewable energy. Each sugarcane value segment requires different sets of skills and specialties, and each final category is governed by separate standards, rules and regulations.
The agricultural value chain has strong internal connections; a change in one value segment can impact another further along the chain. In the case of sugarcane, the government’s program to produce ethanol increased the demand for raw sugarcane and induced many sugar mills to install ethanol plants. Innovation and developments in these segments help build the innovation ecosystem’s local innovative capabilities and may shift its agricultural technology (AgTech) innovation trajectory.
Most of the productivity improvements in the agricultural sector are sourced from knowledge outside the sector.
The increasing complexity and diversity of the agricultural sector, in addition to its global presence in every world economy, make it a useful case study in understanding how local capabilities can influence a country’s technological trajectory.
This chapter traces the evolution of three AgTech innovation hubs; namely, São Paulo in Brazil, Nairobi in Kenya, and Denver, Colorado, in the United States of America (US). This provides important insights into the importance of local capabilities in shaping AgTech specializations. It also illustrates how these three hubs were able to shift from being traditional agricultural producers to leading ethanol producers (Brazil), major producers of maize varieties for Africa (Kenya), and global exporters of biotechnology crop varieties alongside other AgTechs (United States).
There are three takeaways from this chapter. First, innovation in agriculture is context-specific. This implies that for AgTech to be beneficial to different countries it must be adapted to specific agro-ecological conditions relating to the soil, landform and climatic characteristics of the growing region, as well as other cultural, political and market factors that shape regional farming systems. Second, the public sector is one of the main drivers of AgTech specialization. And third, the appropriability conditions, market opportunities and general innovative capabilities of an innovation ecosystem explains how countries can shift their AgTech innovation trajectories. The innovation ecosystem is a concept that links different innovation stakeholders loosely categorized into the private sector, government and universities, as well as research institutions, and provides a framework in which to describe how their interaction and complex relationship can give rise to new innovation.
The chapter is structured according to its key takeaways. The section that follows explains why agricultural innovation is agroecologically and regionally specific. It emphasizes how market failures resulting from its public good traits requires public sector involvement in driving agricultural sector innovation. The third section highlights the role of governments and the public sector in creating the conditions necessary to initiate and build innovative capabilities in agriculture. The penultimate section focuses on how the capabilities of a country’s innovation ecosystem determine the innovation trajectory of its agricultural sector. The final section concludes by looking toward the future of agricultural technology and sets out some policy implications.
For the purpose of this chapter, the term AgTech refers to technological-based solutions that address challenges in agriculture. It includes innovations that increase land productivity through higher crop yield per hectare or through irrigation, labor-saving through employing mechanization tools, cost-saving through better and more efficient use of scarce resources, for example, by using precision agriculture tools, and drought- and pest-resistant plant varieties adapted to climate change or to prevent disease. Institutional innovation, such as agricultural cooperatives or intermediaries that facilitate the coordination and knowledge-sharing platforms between government, farmers, agribusinesses and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), are not included.
Preparing the ground: importance of soil and context
Innovation in agriculture is different from other sectors.
First, without government support, the incentives to innovate in the agricultural sector are not sufficiently attractive to generate enough interest from private sector primary producers, namely, farmers to invest in the activity. This is largely because of the agricultural industry’s highly diffused structure wherein many small producers face narrow and uncertain profit margins. While profitability in farming depends on many factors, studies show that larger farms tend to have larger profit margins, partly due to economies of scale. However, the sector is highly skewed, with 70 percent of all farms worldwide operating on less than one hectare of land.
In addition, farmers face risk and uncertainty when deciding which crops or livestock to produce. This is because they have to take decisions and make investments with only limited information and then wait for a payoff sometime in the future, if at all. Moreover, profits are tied to yields, which can be adversely affected by factors outside a farmer’s control such as the weather, pests, disease, conflict and global market prices. For instance, the cost to Kenyan rose growers of choosing the “wrong” type of flowering rose to plant can be up to USD 160,000 per hectare.
Second, agricultural commodities and activities tend to have the economic properties of a public good. Benefits such as ensuring food safety and security, adequate nutrition for public health, and environmental sustainability require public sector support. Recognizing such public needs early, the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) and the Land Grant agricultural research universities were established in 1862.
Third, the agricultural sector needs an ongoing and consistent level of innovation. Constantly evolving pests and diseases, rising production costs from higher agricultural input prices, and extreme weather events are some of the factors that threaten industry producers. For instance, a 2023 report co-authored by the Organisation for Economic Development (OECD) and the United Nation’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimated that agricultural commodity prices would be likely to increase by 0.2 percent for every one percent increase in fertilizer prices.
Investments into innovation for agriculture must be long term as well. This is because it takes time for research to become commercialized and for technology to be adapted to meet multiple regions’ needs, as well as meet national guidelines before being adopted and planted in a farmer’s fields. For instance, it took at least 60 years from the introduction of hybrid corn technology before its adoption became widespread.
Fourth, agricultural innovation has to be adapted to local agroecological conditions. According to the FAO, regions sharing the same agroecological zones have “similar combinations of climate and soil characteristics and similar physical potentials for agricultural production.”
Figure 3.2 illustrates how innovators are increasingly coming to rely on intellectual property (IP) protection for their inventions, as seen in the total number of patents, utility models and plant varieties equivalent protection systems applied for on agricultural innovation worldwide. Box 3.2 outlines the different IP instruments that protect inventions in the agricultural sector.
Innovation in the agricultural sector is wide-ranging. It includes novel farming implements, machines and digital technologies adapted to improving plants and plant varieties, farming methods, as well as irrigation.
The IP instruments that could protect these AgTech include patents, utility models, trademarks, geographical indications and trade secrets For plant varieties, the sui generis system also exists in many jurisdictions.
For example, in the case of crop genetic innovations made either by conventional or by genetic plant-breeding technologies the original innovation would need to be incorporated into the locally optimized germplasm and/or cultivars in the target region. This means that the genetic innovator may need to either license to germplasm or cultivars owners or otherwise collaborate with them to develop and adapt the technology to local conditions. This adaptation requirement leads to extra costs and hurdles for those innovation stakeholders who have limited budgets or restricted access to supporting institutions.
AgTech evolution is hub dependent
The three AgTech hubs of Denver, Colorado (United States), São Paulo (Brazil) and Nairobi (Kenya) illustrate how AgTech evolution depends on context. Each hub has distinctive starting conditions, constraints and challenges. They also have different levels of public sector support and face different market opportunities. Moreover, each hub has nodes of innovation activities, innovators and relevant institutions that facilitate the knowledge sharing that feeds their respective innovation ecosystems. These factors, together with local innovative capabilities, determine how AgTech trajectories evolve.
The role of agriculture in Brazil, Kenya and the United States varies according to income level. In Kenya, agriculture accounts for 33 percent of the total workforce and contributes around 21 percent of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). In Brazil, the sector employs almost 10 percent of the total workforce, and accounts for seven percent of GDP. Meanwhile, in the United States, fewer than two percent of workers are employed in the agricultural sector, which accounts for less than one percent of GDP.
Colorado, United States: an AgTech hub because of water irrigation infrastructure
As the United States is the largest exporter of agricultural commodities worldwide, US AgTech producers enjoy global market opportunities. It is therefore not surprising that the United States has been innovating significantly in the sector and filing for patent protection on its AgTech inventions both at home and abroad.
Figure 3.3 shows the total number of applications filed through patent, plant patent, and plant varieties equivalent protection systems filed for AgTech inventions in the United States.
Colorado is the second biggest agricultural innovation hub in the United States, tied with New York and second to Silicon Valley.
One of Colorado’s biggest constraints is access to water. Innovations in irrigation technology in the state that began a century ago include the Parshall fume and the center-pivot irrigation system, both of which are now used worldwide. Colorado ranchers were among the first to develop the concentrated feedlot system for the more efficient fattening of beef cattle before slaughter. And Colorado became a major region for aerospace, satellite and atmospheric research, due to the regional concentration of US military facilities and federal laboratories, such as the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and the National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCAR), which model and predict weather for agriculture and develop applications, such as remote sensing.
The farming industry is one of the biggest consumers of water resources in the state. Technological advances in improving irrigation, developing plant varieties to withstand weather conditions, such as lack of water, and those that optimize water use are readily adopted in Colorado. For example, Colorado experienced a severe drought in 2012. This adversely affected its farming outputs. So when a genetically-engineered (GE), drought-tolerant corn variety was introduced in 2012 and made available in 2013 Colorado was one of the states that adopted it. By 2016, 20 percent of corn planted in Colorado was of the GE corn variety.
Innovators have also emerged in the processing of agricultural commodities, with some of the region’s agribusinesses becoming global leaders in food and beverage manufacturing.
Colorado’s robust innovation ecosystem is what enables it to be a technology-frontier AgTech hub. The interface between agricultural production, commodity processing and food manufacturing close to urban and high-tech consumers, and increasingly sophisticated retail markets has created a unique set of challenges, tensions and opportunities for this hub.
Colorado’s climate and access to new talent brings many agribusinesses and seed companies to the region. A number of global agricultural and food companies have set up headquarters for their US operations in Colorado, including Nutrien, the world’s largest potash producer from Canada; JBS, the world’s largest meatpacker from Brazil; and Danone, one of the world's largest dairy manufacturers from France.
São Paulo, Brazil: becoming a leader in ethanol production
São Paulo’s status as an AgTech hub is due to the region’s agribusiness growth and its sugarcane and ethanol production, as well as its range of specialty crops such as coffee and citrus fruits. Its biome is classified as Atlantic Forest, making it a fertile ground for growing coffee and sugarcane.
Since the introduction of Brazil’s National Alcohol Program (Programa Proálcool), in 1975, São Paulo has evolved from a mainly coffee and sugarcane-producing agricultural state to become a world leader in ethanol production. Some of the ethanol produced is categorized as a biofuel and used as a renewable energy source. One of the catalysts for Brazil’s quick shift to sugarcane production was due to the severe frost of coffee crops, known as the Black Frost (Geada Negra) , in Paraná and São Paulo states in 1975.
As Brazil is one of the world’s largest and most competitive ethanol producers, its exporters cater to the global market demand for biofuel. In fact, producing sugarcane ethanol costs 50 to 60 percent less than producing corn ethanol.
A recent increase in environmental awareness, especially in the European Union market, has prompted industry leaders to shift ethanol production toward second-generation (2G) ethanol production. One of the biggest drivers of this is the European consumer’s willingness to pay premium prices for 2G ethanol. In addition, environmental awareness has prompted industry leaders to become more willing to adopt precision agriculture in order to optimize the use of natural resources.
Figure 3.4 shows how Brazilian innovators are steadily relying on patent and utility model protections for their agricultural inventions. In addition, their use of plant varieties protection system to protect their AgTech innovation is equally practiced.
Strong agricultural research centers investing in agricultural innovation and the growing strength of the private sector are two of the factors that have contributed to the sector’s development. São Paulo state is home to the largest number of agricultural research institutions in Brazil, some of which are the most prolific in publishing agricultural research.
Two of the biggest challenges and constraints that Brazilian ethanol producers face is the lack of proper road infrastructure and government intervention in setting national prices for fossil fuels.
At the same time, São Paulo hosts the headquarters of some of the world’s largest agribusinesses. And this has given rise to a thriving agricultural start-up scene within the region. Indeed, São Paulo is known as the largest innovation and entrepreneurship center in Latin America. Moreover, it has a relatively mature financial and banking system, which provides much needed capital to start-ups.
Nairobi, Kenya: innovation built on plant breeding and in collaboration with an international AgTech network
Agricultural production in Kenya is diversified, with the main products for domestic consumption being maize, wheat, rice and beans and the main products for export being tea, coffee, sugar and horticultural crops such as cut flowers, fruits and vegetables.
Its fair weather conditions, soil fertility and adequate sun exposure, and proximity to Europe have all made it the largest producer of flowers in Africa. Kenyan floriculture exports grew by 300 percent between 1995 and 2003 in spite of stagnation within the rest of the economy.
Kenya has a long history of plant breeding and has built its innovative capability in this field. In 2013, four of Kenya’s agricultural research institutes were merged into the Kenya Agricultural and Livestock Research Organization (KALRO). The four institutes in question were the former Kenya Agricultural Research Institute (KARI), the Coffee Research Foundation (CRF), the Tea Research Foundation of Kenya (TRFK) and the Kenya Sugar Research Foundation (KESREF). The Government’s public support programs, investments into R&D and infrastructure, and its collaboration with regional and international agriculture research centers together work toward fostering innovation tailored to local needs.
A survey undertaken by the FAO in 2007 showed how Kenya possessed some capabilities in developing conventional and transgenic plant varieties.
Instead, Kenya has been able to take advantage of the developments in the Africa region to develop its AgTech synergies. In building its capabilities as a plant varieties producer, KALRO collaborated with the world’s primary international agricultural innovation network, known as the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) research centers to create the plant varieties that it needs.
One example of this regional synergy is when Kenya’s maize crop was devastated by the maize lethal necrosis (MLN) disease. The disease led Kenyan farmers to lose between 30 and 100 percent of maize crop production in 2011. This disease was equally disastrous for other maize producers in the Africa region. In response, CGIAR’s International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT -Centro Internacional de Mejoramiento de Maíz y Trigo) research center was able to derive four MLN-tolerant hybrid varieties. It distributed these varieties among private and public sector partners in East Africa to be released. In 2012, CIMMYT collaborated with the Kenyan KALRO, national plant protection organizations and commercial seed companies in stopping the spread of the disease across sub-Saharan Africa. Other collaborators included the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) and the African Agricultural Technology Foundation (AATF), and advanced research institutions in the United States and Europe. After national performance trials in Kenya, several hybrids of the second-generation variety were released over the course of a five-year period from 2013 onwards.
In addition, funding from these non-profit organizations helped to train, diffuse and share the benefits of new plant varieties to its farmers.
Kenya’s collaboration with CGIAR explains how this AgTech hub has been able to build its local capabilities as a plant varieties breeder for the African region. First, its capital, Nairobi, hosts two research center campuses. One of the research centers is the Center for International Forestry Research and World Agroforestry (CIFOR-ICRAF) and the other is the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI). Second, Nairobi’s central location makes it a natural trade and distribution hub for agricultural products for the country, as well as the continent.
Third, the challenges and constraints that this AgTech hub faces can be overcome through its collaboration with CGIAR research centers. The challenges that Kenya faces include limited access to irrigation, the high cost of agricultural inputs, including seeds and fertilizers, and limited access to financing. About 83 percent of Kenyan land is arid or semiarid and unsuitable for rain-fed farming or intensive livestock production. Only seven percent of the land is irrigated.
International public institutions like CGIAR, backed by NGOs such as the AATF, help Kenyan plant breeders to breed abiotic stress- and drought-resistant crops. For example, maize is a major food crop in the country. It accounts for 40 percent of the crop area and a majority of the staples grown. However, maize yields are low. To overcome this problem, KALRO collaborated with CIMMYT to develop, test and then convince Kenyan farmers to farm a drought-tolerant maize variety.
However, Kenyan AgTech innovators do not rely on IP protection to the same extent as those in the United States and Brazil.
Figure 3.5 shows that Kenyan innovators have only applied for a few patents and utility models over the last few years. This is partly owing to CGIAR’s reluctance to allow innovators to file for patent protection on innovation it has co-developed. However, this stance is slowly changing. Separately, the Kenyan innovators’ reliance on plant varieties equivalent protection has been relatively consistent since Kenya signed the UPOV Convention back in 2000.
Sowing the seeds: how public support propels AgTech development
The market failure argument based on the public goods characteristics of agricultural innovation explains why the public sector is still the largest contributor to agricultural R&D worldwide.
Governments that invest heavily in agriculture see stronger economic growth, declining poverty rates and better nutritional status.
According to the International Food Policy Research Institute’s Agricultural Science and Technology Indicator (ASTI) Global Report (2020) report, global R&D spending on AgTech totaled nearly USD 47 billion in 2016.
Figure 3.6 provides a snapshot of the public versus private sector share of spending on R&D across different income levels in 1990, 2000 and 2014.
There are three main ways government support is vital to building local innovative capabilities in agriculture. First, governments fund or conduct the research and help disseminate the findings through education, extension, training collaboration with and technology transfer to the private sector. Second, governments create the enabling conditions that provide incentives and support to innovative activities undertaken by the private sector. And third, governments can set policies or mission-oriented targets to boost innovative capabilities in agriculture.
Conducting AgTech research
Across all three regions profiled in this chapter, governments have been vital in funding and conducting agricultural research, including research that may not have an immediate payoff.
Colorado’s rise as an agricultural innovation hub was rooted in the United States Government’s investments into agriculture that began in the 19th century with the establishment of agricultural state universities and agricultural experiment stations. The Government provided reliable research funds to those universities, together with each of the state governments, such as Colorado, and also established federal agricultural research institutions, carrying out its own research through the USDA.
In Brazil, the Government is the largest source of agricultural innovation funding. Its national agricultural research institution and research arm of the Brazilian Ministry of Agriculture, the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (EMBRAPA –Empresa Brasiliera de Pesquisa Agropecuária), carries out research into the country’s vast and diverse biomes. EMBRAPA consists of multiple research centers across Brazil focused on the agricultural needs of each region.
Universities and government-sponsored research institutions were crucial to São Paulo’s agricultural productivity gains. They contributed to São Paulo’s rise as an agricultural innovation hub, initially for sugar and ethanol production. Two of the first research institutions to receive sugar and ethanol production funding were the University of Agronomy in Campinas (IAC – Instituto Agronômico de Campinas) and the São Paulo State Research Foundation (FAPESP – Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo). The Government also established the National Sugarcane Improvement Program (PLANALSUCAR – Programa Nacional de Melhoramento da Cana-de-Açúcar), a government program to develop sugarcane varieties and improve crop yields.
It also led the work on seed development, while the Interuniversity Network for the Development of the Sugar-Energy Sector (RIDESA – Rede Interuniversitária para o Desenvolvimento do Setor Sucroenergético) developed various sugarcane crop varieties to fit Brazil’s needs.
Finally, EMBRAPA invested heavily in educating and training its workforce in order to build up the country’s innovative capabilities. Between 1974 and 1982, EMBRAPA allocated approximately 20 percent of its budget to education.
Kenya’s agriculture research center, KALRO, aims to generate and disseminate food crop knowledge, innovative technologies and services. Despite the country’s long experience with plant breeding, it still required collaboration with CGIAR research centers, backed by funding, for instance from AATF and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, for the country to build its innovative capabilities.
One of those CGIAR research centers is CIMMYT referred to earlier. CIMMYT has access to a global innovation network of agricultural researchers worldwide. It also maintains a connection to private seed companies by working on the development of abiotic stress hybrids in 17 countries over nine years.
Governments also play a key role in coordinating, collecting and disseminating valuable information about agricultural innovation. In Kenya, for instance, KALRO and CIMMYT trained the agribusiness actors along the value chain as part of convincing Kenyan farmers to farm drought-tolerant maize varieties. They were able to reach over one million farmers in Africa, partnered with 28 seed companies (four Kenyan) and established nearly 550 field demonstrations in Kenya. This effort led to 4,500MT of climate-smart varieties of maize being sold, and seed packs distributed to 10,000 Kenyan farmers.
Enabling innovation
Private investments into agricultural innovations are influenced by government policies and market demand, both in the producing country and those countries that might potentially import the commodities in question. Policies, in addition to the market’s own price-based decisions, can affect the allocation of resources. Like farmers, the private sector decides which crop to plant and what technologies to adopt today, based on projected future prices of agricultural commodities.
Thus, governments must try to create incentives that align the private sector’s interests with their own in order to induce changes or the adoption of new technologies. There are multiple policy levers by which governments can achieve this including:
IP protection to create an important precondition for the private sector to begin investing in agricultural innovation. In the United States, IP protection was one of the factors that incentivized the private sector to invest in innovation in agriculture. The other was when the Government enacted the Bayh-Dole Act allowing universities to take title to IP over technologies developed using federal funding.
Providing access to credit to facilitate adaption and adoption of new AgTech since it can be expensive for farmers. Brazil established the National System of Rural Credit providing finance to commercial agriculture to promote the use of new technologies, such as fertilizers, pesticides and agricultural machinery.
(41)While the program has been criticized for funding larger farmers focused on export commodities in the center-south region of Brazil, it has nonetheless provided the necessary impetus to achieve its stated goal (Mueller and Mueller, 2016). Mueller, B. and C. Mueller (2016). The political economy of the Brazilian model of agricultural development: Institutions versus sectoral policy. The Quarterly Review of Economics and Finance, 62, 12–20. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.qref.2016.07.012; Corcioli, G., G. da S. Medina and C.A. Arrais (2022). Missing the target: Brazil's agricultural policy indirectly subsidizes foreign investments to the detriment of smallholder farmers and local agribusiness. Frontiers in Sustainable Food Systems, 5. Available at: www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fsufs.2021.796845; Medina, G. da S. and A.P. dos Santos (2017). Curbing enthusiasm for Brazilian agribusiness: The use of actor-specific assessments to transform sustainable development on the ground. Applied Geography, 85, 101–112. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2017.06.003. Investments in infrastructure such as road, rail and port transportations can significantly reduce the cost of moving agricultural commodities from the farm to the market, as well as facilitate the growth of the sector. One study examining Brazil’s so-called “Cerrado Miracle” found that a one percent increase in paved roads led to an increase in crop production by slightly over one percent and livestock production by 1.11 percent.
(42)Rada, N. (2013). Assessing Brazil’s Cerrado agricultural miracle. Food Policy, 38, 146–155. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foodpol.2012.11.002.
Implementing targeted agricultural policies
As mentioned above, the United States agricultural mission implemented in the 19th century set the stage for building its innovative capabilities in the sector. Targeted policies were intended to promote research into solutions to agricultural challenges in the region and to train researchers and farmers on how to use AgTech. Today most of the innovation in agriculture in the United States is undertaken by the private sector.
São Paulo’s relatively fast building of local capabilities in sugarcane production and ethanol biorefining was supported by the public spending. The country’s National Alcohol Program (Programa Proálcool) provided financial incentives to encourage companies to produce ethanol for fuel, and subsidized the price of ethanol fuel and reduced taxes for those consumers who purchased ethanol for their cars.
Kenyan AgTech specialization in plant breeding is likely to expand after the Government lifted its ban on importing genetically-modified foods in 2015. This ban was in place partly because many of the richer economies that buy Kenyan exports ban the importation of transgenic crops. The Government has also allowed research into genetically-modified and engineered crops. In addition, the Kenya Government has enacted several agricultural-specific laws aimed at further transforming the country’s agricultural sector.
At the same time, non-agricultural government policies in both agriculture-producing as well as agriculture-importing countries influence agricultural innovation both at home and on the global market. Standards and policies that relate to sanitary and phytosanitary measures and sustainability initiatives (including biofuels and food safety) play a significant role in the types of agricultural innovation that are adopted in farmlands.
Bearing fruits: when appropriability conditions, local capabilities and market opportunities drive the path
Although governments may be the biggest supporters of AgTech development, they are not necessarily the main commercial users or producers of AgTech. This is where the private sector has a role to play in identifying and exploiting market opportunities in the agricultural sector. Market opportunities are what drive the private sector’s investments and commercialization efforts into AgTech development. However, its ability to do so varies according to the specific conditions and constraints faced by each hub. It also depends on the co-existing and related capabilities available locally.
First, local appropriability conditions have to provide sufficient incentives for the private sector to innovate in agriculture. In the United States, together, the Bayh-Dole Act and various IP protection instruments have encouraged private companies to accept the risk involved in adopting and commercializing new technological innovations. This was how start-ups and large seed companies collaborated with public research institutions and universities to commercialize transgenic crops.
Second, the presence of strong agriculture research centers, thriving farming communities and entrepreneurial businesses operating alongside enabling institutions and infrastructures contribute to a robust local innovative capability. The co-location of such innovative activities as these in AgTech hubs leads to knowledge and know-how spillovers in the sector, either from other value segments along the agricultural value chain or in a related or adjacent field.
Third, the ability of the local innovation ecosystem to exploit local capabilities in response to market opportunities is dependent on many factors. The main one is the diversity, complexity, relatedness and rarity of its local capabilities.
As explained in Chapter 2 of this report, countries with greater opportunities to shift their technological path tend to have highly complex innovation ecosystems. This can be seen across all three AgTech hubs under discussion.
Figure 3.7 compares the different innovation capabilities of these three AgTech hubs for the years 2004 and 2020. This is measured using the three capability dimensions introduced in Chapter 2, namely, trade, scientific publications, and patent applications. The figure illustrates how the United States leads through having the highest level of capabilities in highly complex fields, followed by Brazil and Kenya. Kenya and Brazil have both built on their innovative capabilities and because of this display some level of complex capabilities.
These general levels of innovation capabilities are similarly mirrored in the AgTech specialization of each hub.
Figure 3.8 maps the AgTech-related capabilities and shows how the distribution differs between simple to complex capabilities. Kenya has most of its AgTech capabilities within the simple range, implying that the capabilities it has managed to acquire are also present in other countries. Between 2004 and 2020, Brazil was able to build more complex capabilities in AgTech. The United States has the most complex capabilities, even in AgTech-specific fields.
Colorado is an AgTech frontier producer
The United States economy is at the frontier of innovation, both generally and in respect to AgTech specialization.
Figure 3.9 compares that economy’s capabilities across the scientific, technological and production dimensions between 2004 and 2020 and shows how specialized fields are related and concentrated together. The United States has the know-how necessary to develop rare and sophisticated technologies, which helps to explain why that country is the largest agricultural exporter in the world.
Consider the Colorado AgTech hub. Colorado is per capita the largest research performer under USDA funding in the United States. In 2011, it received the third highest total of USDA funding, trailing just California and Texas. The region is home to several USDA branch laboratories. Universities in Colorado have major programs in biosciences, water resources, agricultural science and food science, making the state one of the regional leaders in agricultural and food knowledge. According to a recent inventory, Colorado is also home to 550 agricultural innovators of which 460 are private sector (corporate and start-up) companies and 90 are public (federal, state and local) organizations.
As a biotechnology hub, the United States was able to build its local capabilities based on the interactions between its strong public research center and institutions, on the one hand, and incentivized private sector, on the other. Appropriability conditions, such as through IP protection, have also helped facilitate the private sector’s investments into agricultural R&D.
Two factors facilitated the commercialization of agricultural biotechnology from the 1980s onwards. The first of these was the granting of patents on genetically-engineered plants. The second was the passing of the Bayh-Dole legislation allowing for the filing of patent protection on publicly-funded research. Soon, start-ups from research labs were applying biotechnology to the agriculture field. Then, seed, chemical, fertilizer and pesticide companies started adopting the technology.
São Paulo is capitalizing on its capabilities and premium prices to transition toward producing sustainable ethanol
Brazil has been able to build its AgTech hub from being a net importer of agricultural commodities into a world-class ethanol producer. It did this through strong government support and the entry of the private sector into the industry when it started maturing. This evolution can be seen in Figure 3.10 showing how Brazil built its innovation capabilities from 2004 to 2020.
The Brazilian Government initially implemented the National Alcohol Program to reduce its dependency on oil as an energy source. Through various schemes designed to influence the demand and supply of ethanol, the Government managed to increase sugarcane production in Brazil. The Government even imported the technology in order to produce vehicles that run on ethanol from the American Ford company.
A sharp oil price drop made the program difficult to sustain. However, the invention of flexible-fuel vehicles in 2003 encouraged the use of ethanol for powering motor vehicles once again. Consumers could fill their tanks with either ethanol or oil, depending on which was cheaper. By 2010, flexible-fuel vehicles accounted for 86 percent of light vehicles in Brazil.
Around the same time, there was renewed interest by the Government in producing ethanol. This was because the price of oil was rising and the use of renewable energy sources slowly gaining acceptance. At this point, a few local companies were producing ethanol using 1G technology.
The shift toward adopting 2G technology was prompted by interest from the European market, where less polluting ethanol commands a premium price. The 2G ethanol technology is new to Brazil. The 2G ethanol technology uses existing 1G ethanol technology and the waste it generated to produce ethanol, thereby reducing waste and helping address climate change concerns.
Large-scale bioethanol production using 2G ethanol technology is risky, even with government support. Only two of the six large-scale bioethanol plants established worldwide in 2000 remain in production. They are both in Brazil.
Nairobi is building on its agricultural research centers and disruptive mobile banking platform
Kenya’s local innovative capabilities are less diverse, related or rarer than those of the other two AgTech hubs. Figure 3.11 shows how most of Kenyan capabilities lie mostly in the simple capabilities. However, the latest data show that it has managed to shift its set of capabilities upwards and gained one complex capability, namely in immunology which could in the future be applied to maintaining the health of livestock animals for example.
A related development in the Nairobi AgTech hub is slowly benefiting the Kenyan agriculture value chain – the disruptive mobile banking platform M-PESA. Backed by the Communication Authority of Kenya, M-PESA was rapidly adopted across Kenya. It was made available to customers with little to no access to financial institutions, many of whom live in remote areas, have a low level of education and face financial security challenges. The M-PESA platform leverages mobile phone technology and enables secure electronic cash transfer through the short messaging services (SMS) available on almost all SIM-card mobile phones. Since mobile phones were already ubiquitous in Kenya, because of the relatively poor telecom infrastructure, the technology was easy for people to adopt and adapt.
M-PESA is disrupting the agricultural value chain. It provides access to finance and credit for agricultural producers and generates significant benefits.
The next frontier: Adapting a new wave of digital technologies
One of the big challenges in the agriculture sector is how to continue to expand production while becoming much more sustainable. As climate change leads to extreme weather conditions that threaten livelihoods, there is a consensus that the world needs its food supply to be more sustainable.
Climate change poses an important and pressing issue impacting efforts to expand agricultural production globally. Paradoxically, innovation activities that have improved agricultural productivity, in respect to crops and livestock, also contribute to soil degradation, water pollution and greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.
One of the ways to overcome waste and emissions from agricultural is to adopt precision technologies. Precision agriculture is a field of AgTech focused on using digital technologies that collect large data to optimize farming conditions and processes.
There is a large presence of startups specializing in precision technologies across the three agricultural hubs discussed. Colorado’s innovation ecosystem consists of a broad range of public sector research institutions, corporations and vibrant start-up communities. Some of these new start-ups are focused on leveraging the latest wave of digital technologies and adapting them to the agricultural sector. São Paulo hosts headquarters for some of the world’s largest agribusinesses and has given rise to a thriving scene of agricultural start-ups in the region. Indeed, it is known as the largest innovation and entrepreneurship center in Latin America. Moreover, it has a relatively mature financial and banking system, which provides much-needed capital to startups.
Meanwhile, Nairobi is known as the “Silicon Savannah” because of its technologically-inclined ecosystem.
These three hubs are thus well equipped to adapt digital-based agricultural technologies and once again shift their AgTech specialization trajectories.
Conclusion
Agriculture is key to addressing our pressing need for food security, nutrition and sustainability. It also plays an important role in sustainable growth and development.
Raising agricultural productivity can have a positive impact on the welfare of millions of people currently living in poverty. Several studies show how growth in agriculture can improve income levels, which leads to better health, nutrition and access to education. Among findings are estimated gains of USD 25 billion across Bangladesh, Indonesia and the Philippines from the adoption of modern rice varieties and USD 140 million to those Ethiopian farmers who adopted an improved variety of maize. Most of these gains went to individuals living below the poverty line.
It is therefore not surprising that agriculture plays a pivotal role in achieving several United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), 15 of the 17 SDGs can be improved by growth in the agriculture sector.
The evolution of the three AgTech hubs discussed, namely, Denver, Colorado (United States), São Paulo (Brazil) and Nairobi (Kenya), illustrates how they were able to build on local and related capabilities, so as to specialize in the different AgTech fields. Each hub has shown progress in building technological capabilities and know-how over time. The most advanced hub, Denver, has been able to capitalize on available related technologies to become a global leader in the agricultural sector and show several specializations across many AgTech fields.
There are three important takeaways from these hubs:
AgTech innovation is context-specific, and dependent on the agroecological conditions of a region. The AgTech trajectories of Denver, Colorado (United States), São Paulo (Brazil) and Nairobi (Kenya) were facilitated and hampered not only by the climate of the regions concerned, but also by the infrastructure available. Technological advances in irrigation are one of the main reasons Denver has been able to become an AgTech hub. São Paulo’s road infrastructure gave it an advantage over other parts of Brazil when it came to establishing itself as the country’s sugar production hub. While Nairobi’s central location in Africa, as well as it being home to two CGIAR research centers, has helped make it an innovation node for the entire continent.
The public sector plays an important role in investing into agricultural innovation at the initial stage. In the United States, Brazil and Kenya, the public sector proved instrumental in helping build the initial capacities necessary to innovate in agricultural activities.
Once a certain critical level of innovative capacity is established, and the appropriability conditions are sufficient, private enterprises can play a more prominent role in investing into agricultural innovation. This can be seen in the AgTech hubs of Denver and São Paulo. In Nairobi, the mobile banking platform M-PESA has given rise to digital start-ups applying digital technologies to agriculture. These start-ups are providing services that have the potential to overcome some of the challenges Kenyan farmers face, and help improve productivity.
One of the biggest challenges in agriculture is how to feed the nearly 10 billion people projected globally by 2050, which is nearly two billion people more than are alive today.
Policy implications
There are three general policy implications that can help pave the way to ensuring that innovation in agriculture continues to sustain and feed the needs of the global populations:
First, investments in agricultural innovation should be continuous, consistent and for the long-term. While the pay-offs may take a while to be realized, the reward is beneficial to all.
Second, the new wave of digital technologies can help address the need for a sustainable growth in the agriculture sector. Governments may be interested in building the necessary enabling infrastructures to facilitate the adoption of these technologies and invest in infrastructure that facilitate the agriculture value chain.
Third, governments can pursue policies that promote investments from the private sector into the agricultural industry. These include having sufficient appropriability conditions that would enable the private sector to profit from investing in agricultural innovation, and a start-up friendly economy may create the conditions for them to pursue market opportunities to develop the sector.